Non-biblical historical accounts of Jesus during the life of Jesus

Joined Jun 2011
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So if he did exist, he was very very minor and considered much less worthy of attention or concern than a few dozen other cult leaders in Judea. If there was a Jesus, he had very few followers and did not make hardly any impact in his lifetime.


Well, if you read the Bible, it seems that this was the case, as when he was put on trial, he had very few defenders. So, it is not inconsistent with what the Bible says.
 
Joined Apr 2010
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A careful reading of Josephus would suggest a different dynamic. Hagan does this in "Year of the Passover", which I recommend to serious investigators.

Basically, the Temple operation was a huge money-maker for the Temple priesthood, and the various festivals throughout the year made several High Priesthood family extremely wealthy and supported the economy of Jerusalem.

Pilate, being in his ninth year as prefect, would have been well paid-off by the Temple. Money was the name of the game, and the High Priesthood gave as much dough to Pilate as was needed to keep him from meddling in their festivals.

That's why Caiaphas didn't even bother to make a persona appeal to Pilate when he sent over Jesus. He knew that Pilate had no choice but to crucify him. Not only was Pilate beholden to the High Priesthood, but he had as much a stake as any priest in keeping things running smoothly for the most important festival, the Passover.

Hagan also brings in a surprise visitor for that Passover, Syrian President Lucius Vitellius. Vitellius was not in on the take, so Caiaphas was taking no chances with the country preacher "wild card" like Jesus. Things had to absolutely be peaceful. Vitellius was Pilate's superior, and the most powerful Roman official in the East.
 
Joined Apr 2010
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Well, if you read the Bible, it seems that this was the case, as when he was put on trial, he had very few defenders. So, it is not inconsistent with what the Bible says.

On his final day, according to the NT, Jesus was interrogated by Caiaphas, then Ananus, and then set before the Sanhedrin and questioned, and then afterward questioned by not only the Prefect Pontius Pilate but the Galilean Tetrarch Herod Antipas, who was the son of Herod the Great and a personal friend of Emperor Tiberius.

A pretty high-test lineup. Not many "criminals" back then got that sort of treatment. The fact that seventy-member Sanhedrin (or however many showed up) failed to convict Jesus shows that he had plenty of defenders if not supporters. In fact, the majority of the Sanhedrin, if that's how they worked the process.
 
Joined Mar 2011
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Why so? I think it is an objective viewpoint (but then, I would!), based on the observation not only of the text of the passage itself, but also its wider context in Josephus.

Because current academic consensus is that the TF contains a legitimate reference to Jesus, even after the interpolated material is removed. I would be very interested to see any genuinely objective opposition to the academic consensus. Most people who reject the TF do so on ideological grounds.
 
Joined Mar 2011
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A careful reading of Josephus would suggest a different dynamic. Hagan does this in "Year of the Passover", which I recommend to serious investigators.

Basically, the Temple operation was a huge money-maker for the Temple priesthood, and the various festivals throughout the year made several High Priesthood family extremely wealthy and supported the economy of Jerusalem.

Pilate, being in his ninth year as prefect, would have been well paid-off by the Temple. Money was the name of the game, and the High Priesthood gave as much dough to Pilate as was needed to keep him from meddling in their festivals.

That's why Caiaphas didn't even bother to make a persona appeal to Pilate when he sent over Jesus. He knew that Pilate had no choice but to crucify him. Not only was Pilate beholden to the High Priesthood, but he had as much a stake as any priest in keeping things running smoothly for the most important festival, the Passover.

Hagan also brings in a surprise visitor for that Passover, Syrian President Lucius Vitellius. Vitellius was not in on the take, so Caiaphas was taking no chances with the country preacher "wild card" like Jesus. Things had to absolutely be peaceful. Vitellius was Pilate's superior, and the most powerful Roman official in the East.

This is a powerful line of argument. Josephus was scathing in his critique of Annas and Caiaphas. Rumours of their corruption were widespread, and hinted at an unhealthy relationship with the Romans.
 
Joined Oct 2009
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Philadelphia, PA
Great post everyone, particularly Sankari!

Also wanted to add the Gospels, both Matthew and Luke, claim Jesus was born in Bethlehem and raised in Nazareth.
 
Joined Jun 2011
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Because current academic consensus is that the TF contains a legitimate reference to Jesus, even after the interpolated material is removed. I would be very interested to see any genuinely objective opposition to the academic consensus. Most people who reject the TF do so on ideological grounds.

Two initial points -

1) That it is a "consensus" is not, in itself, an argument.
2) It's by no means clear that it is the consensus. It's highly contested by many writers (from a wide variety of faith positions). It might be something like the "majority position" - but only just. It's by no means overwhelming.


Next, I'd like to ask you what ideological grounds you think I base my rejection of the TF on. I can see how those who dispute the existence of Jesus might try very hard to reject it, but I clearly don't reject the existence of Jesus - so what ideological agenda am I fulfilling by rejecting it?

As to arguments against accepting the slimmed-down Geza Vermes reading of the Testimonium, I would reiterate my earlier point, that it can't be proved either authentic or inauthentic, and seeing as so much of the disputed passage HAS to be rejected as inauthentic, it's irresponsible to assume that ANY part of it is right. In addition to this, it has been pointed out that the TF is a DIGRESSION - it interrupts what would otherwise be a clear and logical flow from the preceding passage to the following passage. I follow Tessa Rajak in seeing Josephus as a narrative artist with a tight command of structure, and I don't think that such a digression would be characteristic of his work.

I might counter by asking you on what evidence you base your claim that the "slimmed down version" is authentic.
 
Joined Jun 2011
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Sure, Rome executed Jesus at the Jews' instigation. This makes both parties complicit in Jesus' death.

The question is, whose guilt is EMPHASIZED? In ALL Gospels, it is the Jews, and that emphasis grows over time.


This doesn't add up to much. Pilate is ruthlessly self-serving throughout the Passion narratives. He declares Jesus innocent, yet flogs and executes him to appease the mob. If the writers really wanted to exonerate Pilate, they would give us a happier story than this. Instead the Gospels compound Pilate's crimes by telling us he executed an innocent man (Jesus) and released a murderer (Barabbas) while still insisting he had no blood on his hands (which was obviously false).

At no time does any Gospel excuse Pilate's crucifixion of Jesus or assert his innocence.

Well, the Gospels COULDN'T give us a happier story, since it was essential that Jesus WAS shown being crucified!!! Pilate's flogging of Jesus is offered as an alternative to crucifixion - but that's not enough to slake the blood-lust of the crowd. he released the murderer at the Jews' instigation! And Pilate is allowed, in all the Gospels, to proclaim his own innocence - an opportunity not afforded to any of the Jews, who indeed RELISH in their own guilt in Matthew's Gospel!

[IMPORTANT NOTE for anybody who reads this post having not read the earlier discussion - I am NOT advocating the hateful old anti-Semitic "JEWS KILLED JESUS!!!!!" canard. I am merely trying to argue that the Gospels emphasize Jewish guilt and downplay Roman responsibility].


I think the Gospels consistently differentiate between the Jewish leaders and the Jewish people. The Pharisees, Sadducees, Herodians and Sanhedrin all receive a very bad press, as does Caiaphas. Despite this, we are told that many of the Jewish rulers believed Jesus (John 3:1; John 12:42) and some of the Pharisees were also converts (Acts 15:5). I don't see any anti-Judaism here.

The Sadducees and Sanhedrin are NEVER utterly, violently deplored, in the way that the Pharisees are. Certainly Jesus disputes with Sadducees (particularly on the question of an afterlife), but the disputes are of a less violent, and less persistent, character. He never, for instance, personally abuses a Sadducees. He never claims that the Sadducees are responsible for the murder of every righteous man in history, a claim he makes about the Pharisees in Matthew.[/QUOTE]



So apart from scourging and crucifying Jesus, Pilate plays no role in his death. Right? ;)

On whose behalf does he scourge and crucify Jesus? It is consistently emphasized that he thinks Jesus is innocent, and he gives the Jews every conceivable opportunity to pardon him. He is weak, sure, but he's not actively, voluntarily deicidal, as the Jews are portrayed. [AGAIN, casual readers, I'm not saying "THE JEWS KILLED JESUS!!!", I'm simply arguing about the emphasis of the Gospels.]

gLuke tells us Herod wanted to kill Jesus long before the trial, which is why his life would be in danger if he went to Jerusalem (Luke 13:31). We are also told Herod sent Jesus back to Pilate without ruling on his guilt or innocence. Pilate must have been surprised by this, since Herod had the authority to free Jesus (and perhaps Pilate hoped he would).

Instead, Herod returned Jesus to the Romans and left his fate in their hands. This was clearly a gesture of goodwill and deference to Rome's authority, as gLuke notes, "That very day Herod and Pilate became friends with each other, for prior to this they had been enemies." Herod's motivation was obviously political.

Herod did not rule either way on Jesus' guilt or innocence, he passed the question back to Pilate. And Herod may well have wanted to kill Jesus in Galilee, but he didn't, so that's irrelevant. Even in Luke, he has no reasonable share of responsibility for the crucifixion.

Is the portrayal of Pilate ahistorical? I don't think so. Pilate was already on borrowed time after his previous offences against the Jews, for which Tiberius had openly rebuked him. Josephus tells us the Jews were on the verge of a major uprising on several occasions due to Pilate's violence and cultural insensitivity.

In some of these cases Pilate defused the situation by making concessions to the Jews, as he does in the Gospel accounts of the trial. So it is not unrealistic or ahistorical to show Pilate appeasing Jewish leaders to quell a possible revolt. Note also that Pilate insists on referring to Jesus as "King of the Jews" (John 19:19), even though this causes great offence to the Jewish leaders (John 19:21-22).

As a further insult, Pilate's placard is written in Aramaic, Greek and Latin so that everyone can read it (John 19:20). It seems to me this was partly done to publicly reassert his authority over the execution.

The Pilate of the Gospels is weak, terrified of his subjects, and eager to appease their wishes. In some respects he's actually quite a nice guy. This is not in any way the Pilate we find in Josephus or Philo.
 
Joined Jun 2011
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What exactly do you mean by "drawing on"? Lord's prayer, or some common phrase?

Actually, the Didache Lord's Prayer is closer to the Matthean version than what we find in Luke. Abundant Lukan parallels (including at the level of phraseology) have been found in Did. 1.3 - 2.1.


If we are talking about "earliest solid attestation", we cannot use two examples you gave. Even Justin's mention of gPeter is much more solid than this.

No it isn't, since it cannot be demonstrated to relate to the Gospel of Peter! (I'll talk more about this later).

EVEN if we discount "memoirs of Peter" phrase (which is far better attestation than anything gLuke has until decades later), Justin still uses some gospel(s) unknown to us. It might be Peter, it might be proto-Luke, maybe some early harmonization, maybe something of which no mention has been otherwise preserved (like Egerton). But the point is that even if it is not Gospel Peter, it is a non-canonical gospel having first solid attestation at the same time as Matthew, and earlier than Luke.


Regarding the "Memoirs of Peter" phrase, I can only speak as someone who's been reading ancient Greek literature in the original language for fifteen years, and I have no hesitation in saying that the "autou" would most naturally go with Jesus, rather than Peter.

As for other non-canonical gospels, absolutely. Remember what we're debating here - not that other non-canonical writings about Jesus existed early, but that GNOSTICISM was a late development in Christianity. Of course other writings existed - Q, M and L clearly must have pre-dated at least some of the canonical Gospels, for a start! But the problem is that, even if we accept your (rather mean) date for Luke, the fact still remains that three of our four canonical Gospels were demonstrably in existence BEFORE we can demonstrate ANY Gnostic writings, so my original point still stands. Now there may well have been Gnostic writings around earlier than this, but that can't be demonstrated by the evidence presently available, so it cannot be assumed.
 

vid

Joined Jun 2009
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Slovakia
EVEN if we discount "memoirs of Peter" phrase (which is far better attestation than anything gLuke has until decades later), Justin still uses some gospel(s) unknown to us. It might be Peter, it might be proto-Luke, maybe some early harmonization, maybe something of which no mention has been otherwise preserved (like Egerton). But the point is that even if it is not Gospel Peter, it is a non-canonical gospel having first solid attestation at the same time as Matthew, and earlier than Luke.

Can you provide specific quotes from Justin that support you claims above?
Not all of them, of course, it would be too time-consuming , but some:

Dialogue with Trypho, chapter 35:

For he said,
(1) 'Many shall come in My name, clothed outwardly in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves."
And,
(2) 'There shall be schisms and heresies.'
And,
(3) 'Beware of false prophets, who shall come to you clothed outwardly in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening wolves.'
And,
(4) 'Many false Christs and false apostles shall arise, and shall deceive many of the faithful.'
Number 3 is match with Matthew 7:15 except for one extra word (outwardly), which is just making text explicit, possibly oversight from writing Number 1 which also has it. Number 1 is parallel passage, quoted separately, with different introduction ('Many shall come in my name' instead of 'Beware of false prophets)'. Where does it come from? We have 'many shall come on my name' used in context of "false Christ" at different place in gospels (Mt 24:5, less closely in Mk 3:16). But we know of no gospel that makes this connection explicit, and it would be weird for Justin to make this connection with Mt 7:15 himself and then immediately also quote Mt 7:15 again correctly. Some unknown synoptic gospel and/or some gospel harmony seems the most obvious solution. Number 4 is close to Mt 24:24, or Mt 24:11. Justin might be quoting 24:24 freely here. As for Number 2 we simply have no ancient Christian texts extant from which Justin could have been quoting Christ. Some scholars offer 1Cor 11:19, but that is very far, and obviously spoken by Paul, not Christ.

One more example:

Dialogue with Trypho, chapter 47
Wherefore also our Lord Jesus Christ said, 'In whatsoever things I shall take you, in these I shall judge you.'
This is not to be found in any canonical gospel. Curiously, except for Justin, only the apocryphal "Discourse to the Greeks concerning Hades" preserves this passage. Did Justin invent this passage, and did author of Discourse copy it from him? Coupled with all the rest of evidence, I think Justin using different some gospel which wasn't preserved is much more probable explanation.

I hope these examples suffice.
 

vid

Joined Jun 2009
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I'm a little lost here. In the earlier posts, we were arguing purely about his birth traditions. I am well aware of the nuances of the word "Nazarene" (though it clearly COULD mean "from Nazareth", since that's how Matthew interpreted it), and I know about the "netzrim", and also about the possibility that early Jewish Christians called themselves "Nazarenes", and I'm happy to talk about the implications of this nomenclature, but I don't see how this is relevant to a discussion of the relative awkwardness of traditions about birth in Bethlehem v Nazareth. I might have missed a big part of your argument here - if I have, please enlighten me!
This was separate branch of discussion from beginning, I have reread it now. It started by you saying that Josephus' 2nd passage was evidence for Jesus of Nazareth. I objected with a minor correction, that this is not evidence for "Jesus of Nazareth", but for "Jesus called Christ", pointing out possibility that Nazareth birth might have been invented (by Matthew?) to fulfill some unknown-to-us "He shall be called Nazarene" prophecy. You seemed to take this as if I claimed we know of such prophecy existing. I think that is how the misunderstanding started. I don't think there was any important disagreement in this branch of discussion.

Actually, we have the text of the Diatesseron. You can read it here:
Diatessaron. The Diatessaron (translation Roberts-Donaldson).
Without information what exactly is being translated here, I think we have to remain cautious. There are varying claims of us having or not having texts more or less related to what we think might have been Tatian's Diatessaron. Surely we have extant copies of texts bearing that name, but AFAIK scholars are skeptical to their proximity to text authored by Tatian. However this might be interesting: Diatessaron - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

It's the Jewish, rather than the Roman, stuff that the Gospels get wrong, like the "fake" custom of releasing prisoners at the Passover [...]
I don't see how Romans observing such custom is "Jewish rather than Roman" error, and I consider even the canonical version of story unhistorical enough to completely disprove any claim to antiquity based on this alone.

I hope I didn't forget to answer anything important.
 

vid

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Actually, the Didache Lord's Prayer is closer to the Matthean version than what we find in Luke. Abundant Lukan parallels (including at the level of phraseology) have been found in Did. 1.3 - 2.1.
I admit not hearing this argument before. Could you be specific, or refer to some online sources which explains this argument in full?

Regarding the "Memoirs of Peter" phrase, I can only speak as someone who's been reading ancient Greek literature in the original language for fifteen years, and I have no hesitation in saying that the "autou" would most naturally go with Jesus, rather than Peter.
I am not literate in Greek. Can you please provide the fuller translation of passage in a version which doesn't say it was Peter's memoirs?

As for other non-canonical gospels, absolutely. Remember what we're debating here - not that other non-canonical writings about Jesus existed early, but that GNOSTICISM was a late development in Christianity.
Actually, no, we are not. Let me recap:

Clodius, post #2

5) The non-canonical Gospels. All very exciting, and wonderful for spinning Dan Brown style conspiracy theories. Unfortunately, no non-Canonical Gospel can be proved to have been written before the second century, and many of them depend on the Canonical Gospels. Hugely unreliable "sources" that probably tell us nothing worthwhile at all.
vid, post #15
Some non-canonical gospels (or their surviving fragments) are evidence of same quality as some canonical gospels. For example Gospel of Peter or Egerton Gospel as for claim to having historical knowledge about Jesus are on par with Gospel of Matthew (for which it too can't be proven they have been written before 2nd century), arguably better than Luke and John (which have some very important hints of being late compositions).
Clodius, post #16
I fundamentally disagree with you about the Gospel of Peter, and other much-cited non-Canonical Gospels such as Thomas (though I do agree that John, at least, is late and probably not very historical). None of the non-Canonical Gospels, in my view, can be demonstrated to have anything historically useful or plausible in them. Only notoriously slapdash historians like J. D. Crossan take these documents on faith.
vid, post #17
What kind of "historical demonstration of having something useful in them" are you talking about? What are the criteria so that Matthew/Luke pass them, but Peter/Egerton don't?
Clodius, post #18
Indications of "Peter"'s late authorship include its Gnostic overtones (Gnosticism was late development in early Christianity) and its heightened anti-Semitism (Christian texts get more anti-Jewish over time, reflecting the growing conflicts between the church and the Jewish communities of the Eastern Med). The earliest attestation of a Gospel of Peter comes from Eusebius, who mentions such a document in use around 190 CE, when by contrast the earliest fragment of a canonical Gospel has been dated to 125. We know (thanks to Tatian's "Diatessaron") that all four canonical Gospels were widely used by 160 CE. Of course, Peter may be just as early as the Canonicals, but it's not PROVABLY early, and that's all we can work with if we want to be responsible, and the currently available evidence points to later composition. Peter's text also contains inherent problems. The brief account of Jesus' trial in Peter, for example, is ludicrous to anyone who knows about Roman law, not least because of the absurdly prominent role Herod Antipas plays in the proceedings. And, ya know, a talking cross? Seriously? I know the Canonical Gospels can get silly some times, but that hardly inspires confidence, does it?
The bolded part in my post #15 is the core of argument, to which you disagreed in following post, that some non-canonicals have equally good claim to having some historical truths in them as canonicals Matthew and Luke have. Only in post #18 you brought up Gnostic overtones as one of arguments, along with early attestation, antisemitism, etc. The "gnostic" branch of argument continued:
vid, post #28
Indications of "Peter"'s late authorship include its Gnostic overtones (Gnosticism was late development in early Christianity)
Was it? I think that trying to prove your assumption would get you into circular argument, falling back on assumption of early age of canonical gospels whose age we are now trying to determine.
Clodius, post #32
[...] But I also think we have to recognise that we currently have no secure attestation of Gnostic texts being in existence as early as the Canonical Gospels. Even by your analysis below (which seems generous to Peter and mean to Luke, as I will argue), three of the four Canonicals are attested earlier than even Peter and Egerton. This may very well be simply related to shortcomings in our evidence - but that IS our available evidence, and we have to go where it leads. So what we learn is that Pauline Gentile Christianity (of the "orthodox" type) is evidenced before Gnosticism.
I think I omited this one in my splitted "overnight" reactions. My answer is: here is the circular argument I was prophesying in post #28. You said Peter has to be dated late, because it has gnostic overtones (post #18), and now to substantiate that gnosticism must be late, you say it is because all support for it (such as Peter) is late. Because of this, I maintain that "gnostic overtones" in Peter cannot be used as argument for late composition of Peter, because it is exactly the point in question (date of composition of Peter) which is basis for dating the gnosticism.

Of course other writings existed - Q, M and L clearly must have pre-dated at least some of the canonical Gospels, for a start! But the problem is that, even if we accept your (rather mean) date for Luke, the fact still remains that three of our four canonical Gospels were demonstrably in existence BEFORE we can demonstrate ANY Gnostic writings, so my original point still stands.
How is Matthew before Peter? Both are "solidly attested" by Justin for the first time. Or, if it's not Peter (depending on interpretation of the "memoirs of Peter" passage), then it is different non-canonical gospel. That doesn't really matter, remember your original point to which I objected was about all non-canonical gospels, not just about gnostic ones.

Now there may well have been Gnostic writings around earlier than this, but that can't be demonstrated by the evidence presently available, so it cannot be assumed.
I don't remember assuming date for gnosticism. I only said that extant solid evidence for Peter with his gnostic overtones is on par with that for Matthew and superior to one for Luke. However, you did explicitly assume gnosticism was late, in a argument you made in post #18.
 
Joined Oct 2009
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Well, the Gospels COULDN'T give us a happier story, since it was essential that Jesus WAS shown being crucified!!! Pilate's flogging of Jesus is offered as an alternative to crucifixion - but that's not enough to slake the blood-lust of the crowd. he released the murderer at the Jews' instigation! And Pilate is allowed, in all the Gospels, to proclaim his own innocence - an opportunity not afforded to any of the Jews, who indeed RELISH in their own guilt in Matthew's Gospel!

The Jews do not see themselves as guilty. At this time any Jew was executed for apostasy or blasphemy which Jesus was accused, charged and executed for. The only difference is that Jesus became a man of note.

Adultery was also punishable by death (John 8:4,5)

The Sadducees and Sanhedrin are NEVER utterly, violently deplored, in the way that the Pharisees are. Certainly Jesus disputes with Sadducees (particularly on the question of an afterlife), but the disputes are of a less violent, and less persistent, character. He never, for instance, personally abuses a Sadducees. He never claims that the Sadducees are responsible for the murder of every righteous man in history, a claim he makes about the Pharisees in Matthew.
Jesus accuses the Jewish nation of such things(Matthew 23:37; Luke 13:14) remember Jesus himself as well as his apostles were all Jews and practiced Judaism at this time.

On whose behalf does he scourge and crucify Jesus? It is consistently emphasized that he thinks Jesus is innocent, and he gives the Jews every conceivable opportunity to pardon him. He is weak, sure, but he's not actively, voluntarily deicidal, as the Jews are portrayed. [AGAIN, casual readers, I'm not saying "THE JEWS KILLED JESUS!!!", I'm simply arguing about the emphasis of the Gospels.
Again, at this time acts of apostasy and blasphemy are punishable by death, (Leviticus 24:14) So is working on the Sabath which Jesus was also accused of (Exodus 31:15)

The Pilate of the Gospels is weak, terrified of his subjects, and eager to appease their wishes. In some respects he's actually quite a nice guy. This is not in any way the Pilate we find in Josephus or Philo.
I think Sankari explanation of why Pilate appeased the Jews shows why he seemed as though he were a puppet for the Jews:

gLuke tells us Herod wanted to kill Jesus long before the trial, which is why his life would be in danger if he went to Jerusalem (Luke 13:31). We are also told Herod sent Jesus back to Pilate without ruling on his guilt or innocence. Pilate must have been surprised by this, since Herod had the authority to free Jesus (and perhaps Pilate hoped he would).

Instead, Herod returned Jesus to the Romans and left his fate in their hands. This was clearly a gesture of goodwill and deference to Rome's authority, as gLuke notes, "That very day Herod and Pilate became friends with each other, for prior to this they had been enemies." Herod's motivation was obviously political.

Is the portrayal of Pilate ahistorical? I don't think so. Pilate was already on borrowed time after his previous offences against the Jews, for which Tiberius had openly rebuked him. Josephus tells us the Jews were on the verge of a major uprising on several occasions due to Pilate's violence and cultural insensitivity.

In some of these cases Pilate defused the situation by making concessions to the Jews, as he does in the Gospel accounts of the trial. So it is not unrealistic or ahistorical to show Pilate appeasing Jewish leaders to quell a possible revolt. Note also that Pilate insists on referring to Jesus as "King of the Jews" (John 19:19), even though this causes great offence to the Jewish leaders (John 19:21-22).

As a further insult, Pilate's placard is written in Aramaic, Greek and Latin so that everyone can read it (John 19:20). It seems to me this was partly done to publicly reassert his authority over the execution.
 
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I admit not hearing this argument before. Could you be specific, or refer to some online sources which explains this argument in full?

I'm struggling to find anything online, but there's a full concordance in Edouard Massaux, "The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus", Book 3, demonstrating the Didache's dependence on both Luke and Matthew.


I am not literate in Greek. Can you please provide the fuller translation of passage in a version which doesn't say it was Peter's memoirs?

I will, and I'll try to communicate the grammatical problem as well as I can. Very basically, the dispute concerns the Greek phrase "apomnemoneumata autou" (sorry, I don't know how to do Greek letters on Historum!!), which could be translated either as "accounts of him" or "memoirs of him". Clearly, the debate concerns who "autou", "of him", refers to. It may either refer to Jesus (the subject of the indirect statement in which the phrase is contained), in which case it should be translated as "accounts of Jesus", or it may refer to Peter, who has already been mentioned earlier in the sentence, in which case it should be translated as "memoirs of Peter". I naturally read the pronoun "autos" as referring to the subject of a sentence unless otherwise strongly indicated, since this seems to be the usual practice in classical Greek, so I would interpret it to mean "memoirs of Jesus". In which case, the passage should read -

"It is said that he [Jesus] renamed one of the apostles "Peter", and it is written in the accounts about Jesus that this happened ..."

There's a reasonably clear online discussion of this passage of Justin here -

Did Justin Martyr Cite the Gospel of Peter? | Earliest Christianity


The bolded part in my post #15 is the core of argument, to which you disagreed in following post, that some non-canonicals have equally good claim to having some historical truths in them as canonicals Matthew and Luke have. Only in post #18 you brought up Gnostic overtones as one of arguments, along with early attestation, antisemitism, etc.

Okay, fine, I think maybe we had different view of what the core of the argument was at this point! But I should add that I've never doubted the existence of other writings about Jesus before the canonical Gospels were written (I mentioned Q, M and L for a start), the problem is that as far as we can tell we don't actually HAVE these documents, since the surviving non-canonical gospels (Gnostic or otherwise) are not provably early enough.

I think I omited this one in my splitted "overnight" reactions. My answer is: here is the circular argument I was prophesying in post #28. You said Peter has to be dated late, because it has gnostic overtones (post #18), and now to substantiate that gnosticism must be late, you say it is because all support for it (such as Peter) is late. Because of this, I maintain that "gnostic overtones" in Peter cannot be used as argument for late composition of Peter, because it is exactly the point in question (date of composition of Peter) which is basis for dating the gnosticism.

Actually, I don't think this is a circular argument, and I'll explain why. As previously argued, there are other reasons for dating Peter late (increased hostility to Jews, lack of early attestation, which I'll come onto in a minute).
Peter is the only Gnostic-tinged document with any claim to early attestation - it would help its case if there was independent evidence for early Gnosticism, but there isn't. So we have a document which is not attested early, which incorporates the anti-Jewish tendencies of a later church, and which belongs to a tradition which is otherwise unattested at an early date. THIS is how its Gnosticism can count against it - the lack of plausible external context.



How is Matthew before Peter? Both are "solidly attested" by Justin for the first time. Or, if it's not Peter (depending on interpretation of the "memoirs of Peter" passage), then it is different non-canonical gospel. That doesn't really matter, remember your original point to which I objected was about all non-canonical gospels, not just about gnostic ones.


I don't remember assuming date for gnosticism. I only said that extant solid evidence for Peter with his gnostic overtones is on par with that for Matthew and superior to one for Luke. However, you did explicitly assume gnosticism was late, in a argument you made in post #18.

But we're back to Didache. I really regret not being able to find a decent discussion of this online, but then I guess even with the wonders of the Internet not everything is available yet! Didache seems to betray a clear dependence on both Luke and (to an even stronger degree) Matthew, which would suggest they were in existence prior to Didache, a very early document (as we can tell from the Christian society it describes). I think Didache, Tatian and Marcion are excellent indicators of an early date of Matthew and Luke, far far more plausible than Justin, which to my eyes doesn't refer to the Gospel of Peter at all.


I hope I haven't missed anthing. This is getting complicated!
 

vid

Joined Jun 2009
1,610 Posts | 2+
Slovakia
I'm struggling to find anything online, but there's a full concordance in Edouard Massaux, "The Influence of the Gospel of Saint Matthew on Christian Literature before Saint Irenaeus", Book 3, demonstrating the Didache's dependence on both Luke and Matthew.
I did have a chance to read Massaux on Justin's usage of Gospels, and I have to say I wasn't very impressed. He was IMO too eager to ascribe everything (including the example I gave with numbers 1 and 3) to canonical gospels. But nevertheless, I will try to check if this is on google books or somewhere.

I will, and I'll try to communicate the grammatical problem as well as I can.
I understand, thank you. "Memoirs of Jesus" seems plausible enough.

Okay, fine, I think maybe we had different view of what the core of the argument was at this point! But I should add that I've never doubted the existence of other writings about Jesus before the canonical Gospels were written (I mentioned Q, M and L for a start), the problem is that as far as we can tell we don't actually HAVE these documents, since the surviving non-canonical gospels (Gnostic or otherwise) are not provably early enough.
Yes, We can't tell with certainty we have early documents based on our evidence. Neither can we dismiss this option, simply because "no canonical gospel can be proven to have been written in first century", because that is true as well for most of canonicals. I think we've made our positions clear. Do you consider (your educated guess, not strictly based on evidence) Peter as later than Luke? Have you encountered the "Luke used Josephus" argument?

Peter is the only Gnostic-tinged document with any claim to early attestation - it would help its case if there was independent evidence for early Gnosticism, but there isn't.
Isn't John "gnostic-tinged" as well?

But we're back to Didache. I really regret not being able to find a decent discussion of this online, but then I guess even with the wonders of the Internet not everything is available yet! Didache seems to betray a clear dependence on both Luke and (to an even stronger degree) Matthew, which would suggest they were in existence prior to Didache, a very early document (as we can tell from the Christian society it describes). I think Didache, Tatian and Marcion are excellent indicators of an early date of Matthew and Luke, far far more plausible than Justin, which to my eyes doesn't refer to the Gospel of Peter at all.
I think Eusebius' claim that Tatian wrote the first harmony is not so trustworthy, because his tutor Justin really seemed to use one. Also Justin's usage of Lukan-only passages seems like he is using some proto-Luke (this might also be the harmony with some passages stripped down, other expanded by material unknown to us). IIRC, Justin has some differences to "our" gospels, shared by other early authors, some even with Didache, but I am not exactly sure now.
 
Joined Jun 2011
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That's an interesting post, Vid. One thing really caught my attention - you mentioned a "Luke used Josephus" argument, which I haven't come across before. Could you either outline this argument, or point me to a place where I can read about it (either online or a book)? I ask because I'm a very keen student of Josephus, as well as the Gospels, and also because, if this is plausibly demonstrated, it may affect my dating of the Gospel of Luke.
 
Joined Jun 2011
2,701 Posts | 0+
Oh, and in answer to the question you asked me, yes I do consider Peter to be later than Luke (although I don't hold fast to this position, and it could be changed - the 'Luke used Josephus' argument may even play a part in changing it if I find it convincing!)
 

vid

Joined Jun 2009
1,610 Posts | 2+
Slovakia
The original scholar arguing this is Josephus scholar Steve Mason in one part of this book:
[ame="http://www.amazon.com/Josephus-New-Testament-Steve-Mason/dp/0943575990"]Amazon.com: Josephus and the New Testament (9780943575995): Steve Mason: Books@@AMEPARAM@@http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/51GTYG7C6JL.@@AMEPARAM@@51GTYG7C6JL[/ame]

However I haven't read that work (I seldom get a chance to read a "physical" foreign book), neither have I encountered scholarly rebuttal. Shorter online article based on the book can be read here: Luke and Josephus

On a surprisingly related matter, since you mention you are a Josephus student (I didn't yet find the courage to start reading his works in full), I wonder: What do you think about possibility of Jesus being somehow related to "Judas the Galilean", as suggested by PhilosopherJay in this thread: A hostile TF? - FRDB? His conclusions seem rather hasty to me, but the similarity is intriguing.
 
Joined Jun 2011
2,701 Posts | 0+
Thanks for the link re Luke and Josephus - there are certainly suggestive parallels, although I'm withholding judgement for now, until I've been able to get hold of a copy of the Mason book you showed. It's a promising approach, since we have the text of Josephus and we can date him pretty precisely, so bringing him into the argument gives us some solid dates, which are generally in very short supply when studying the New Testament!

I didn't take much from the argument about Jesus and Judas the Galilean except that Eusebius maybe (probably?) was influenced by the Josephus passage when describing Jesus. However, Judas the Galilean's revolt did take place during Jesus' youth, as did the continuing agitation of his sons, so it definitely formed part of the political background to his life. I think one of the values of reading Josephus, from a Jesus studies perspective, is that you begin to get a sense of just how common Jesus would have seemed in his culture - the early 1st Century was awash with popular leaders, some of them claiming Messianic status, many of them falling foul of Rome or the Herods. I think real insights into the historical Jesus can be achieved by comparing him with some of the parallel figures from his culture - and Josephus is our best evidence for these other shadowy figures.

(On Josephus, you don't need to fear him, he's actually a pretty good read, particularly the "Jewish War"!)
 

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